F 69 
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EULOGY 



ON THF. 



HON. BENJAMIN RUSSELL, 



DELIVERED BF.KORE 



THE GRAND LODGE 

OF 

F R E }^ AND ACCEPTED MASONS 

OF 

THE STATE O i'^ Al A S S A C il U S ET TS , 
MARCH 10, 1845. 




BY BROTHER FRANCIS BAYLIES. 




B O S T O N : 
PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE FREEMASONS' MAGAZINE 

1845. 




EULOGY 



ON THE 



HON. BENJAMIN RUSSELL, , ,, 

2 ' 



DELIVERED BEFORE 



THE GRAND LODGE 



FREE AND ACCEPTED MASONS 



THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



MARCH 10, 1845. 



BY BROTHER FRANCIS BAYLIES. 



BOSTON: 

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE FREEMASONS' MAGAZINE. 

184. 5. 



IN EXCHANGE 

:^ t. Hlrt. Cienl. Soo/ 






In Grand Lodge, } 

Boston, March 12, 1845. \ 
Resolved, That the Grand Lodge listened with uncommon pleasure to 
the eloquent, instructive and patriotic Eulogy, on their late Brother Benja- 
min Russell, delivered on the evening of the 10th inst, by Hon. Br. Fran- 
cis Baylies. And believing that it is too valuable to be lost, that it is 
wanted by the friends of the deceased, and by the friends of the country. 

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to present the thanks of the 
Grand Lodge to Brother Baylies for the address, and to request a copy of 
it for publication. 

The following Brethren were appointed a Committee for the purpose 
contemplated in the last of the above resolutions, viz: R. W. John Soley, 
E. M. P. Wells, James A. Dickson, Edward A. Raymond and John J. 
Loring. 

Copy of record. 

Attest, Charles W. Moore, R. G. Secretary. 



Boston, March 13, 1845. 
Sir : — In pursuance of the foregoing resolutions, the subscribers respect- 
fully request a copy of the Eulogy for the purpose therein expressed, and 
beg,leave to add^tljat a corapUance^with the wishes of the Grand Lodge 
''V'ill.ufforii tUem gi-gat persong-i gratification. Respectfully and fraternally 
yoHrs, ■' ' < / ^ '^.; ;. <• ; .cl J : .' John Soley, 

E. M. p. Wells, 
James A. Dickson, 
: Edward A. Raymond, 

John J. Loring. 
Hon. Francis Baylies. 



Taunton, March 25, 1845. 
Brothers : — The requests of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts have 
with me the authority of a law. I submit the Eulogy with all its imperfec- 
tions, to your discretion, — willing that it should be published if you think 
it worthy of publication. If you should deem it inexpedient, believe me 
that your determination will inflict no wound on my vanity, and that I shall 
still have full confidence in your discretion and good sense. 

Yours, 

Francis Baylies. 
Brs. John Soley, E.M. P. Wells, James A. Dickson, 
Edward A. Raymond, John J. Loring. 



I 






EULOGY. 



We are assembled, my Brothers, to commemorate 
the Ufe and the death of our departed Brother, 
Benjamin Russell. His long journey through this 
world is ended, and he has reached that quiet place 
where the wicked cease from troubling and the 
weary are at rest. The Masonic rites have been 
duly performed at the grave, and the cassia has been 
thrown on the coffin. The remembrance of his 
virtues remains; and there is a consolation even in 
grief 

The characters of conspicuous men are presented 
in many lights, and few there are which afford so 
many varieties as Benjamin Russell's ; for he is 
to be considered as a Freemason, a Revolutionary 
Soldier, a Printer, the Editor of a newspaper, having 
a wide circulation and a prodigious influence, — an 
active Politician, a Patriot, a Legislator, and he is also 
to be considered in his social, moral and civic rela- 
tions. The range is so wide that my allusions to 
him in each of these characters, must from necessity 
be brief 

He was the son of John Russell, and the nephew 
of Joseph Russell, so long the Town Treasurer of 
Boston, and he was born in Boston, in September, 
1761. 



Through the aid of a learned and indefatigable 
member of a profession which in these days of utility 
is disregarded and sometimes ridiculed,* but in whose 
studies a Gibbon and a Walter Scott have taken 
delight, and who are the very Freemasons of hterature, 
for they never refuse to help each other, I have re- 
ceived some account of the American ancestors of 
Benjamin Russell, who, in the paternal line, ascend 
nearly to the settlement of Boston, and through four 
of the five generations immediately preceding him, 
were all Bostonians. His father, grandfather and 
great-grandfather were born, lived and died in Boston, 
and two of them belonged to that class of men for 
whom some of the fairest pages in American history 
are reserved — the mechanics of Boston. His English 
ancestor, John Russell, who settled at Woburn, and 
who is called in the early records, the Anabaptist, 
was admitted a freeman, May 3, 1635, and Benjamin 
Russell was descended from a son of that ancestor, 
who came with him young from England, and was 
afterwards known as the Rev. John Russell, pastor 
of the First Baptist Church in Boston, and who 
acquired notoriety by his piety and his persecutions. 
Maternally, Major Russell was descended from 
Ezekiel Cheever, who for nearly sixty years, was the 
principal Latin schoolmaster in New England, and 
who instructed more eminent persons in the elements 
of learning, perhaps, than any one schoolmaster in 
North America. He was related, collaterally, to one 
who has done the most for American history and 
antiquities, — a delightful writer and the founder of 

*Rev. Dr. Jeiiks. 



the Historical Society. I mean tlie late Dr. Jeremy 
Belknap. I mention these circumstances, not so 
much for their intrinsic importance, (although they 
are not unimportant,) but to show how thoroughly 
Benjamin Russell was identified with tliis city. — 
Boston to him was a sacred city, as much as Jeru- 
salem to a Jew, Athens to an Athenian, and Paris 
to a Frenchman. 

From the year 1765, to the termination of Wash- 
ington's administration in 1797, the mechanics of 
Boston, in all public affairs, exercised a positive and * 
most efficient influence, and in one sense may be 
considered the pioneers of the American Revolution. 

There has been a general acquiescence in an 
historical error, which would assign the first step in 
the Revolution to the resolutions offered by Patrick 
Henry, after the imposition of the Stamp Act, in the 
House of Burgesses of Virginia, on the 28th day of 
May, 1765. Four of these resolutions were in general 
terms, and might have been assented to by AVhig or 
Tory. The fifth denied the supremacy of the British 
Parhament and their right to tax the people of the 
American Colonies without their consent. That res- 
olution was carried by one vote. Had the matter 
rested there, Virginia would have been justly entitled 
to the credit of having been the first in the revolu- 
tionary movement ; but on the next day, (May 29th,) 
that resolution was rescinded. Virginia was not 
ready to array herself against the imposing power of 
the British Empue. 

On the 6th day of June, 1765, the subject of the" 
Stamp Act was taken up in the House of Represen- 
tatives of Massachusetts, and on the Sth, it was voted 



unanimously, that a Circular Letter, signed by their 
Speaker, should be addressed to the several Colonial 
Assemblies, inviting them to send delegates to a 
General Congress of the Colonies, to be holden at 
New York. This was a practical measure. It was 
not confiaed to declarations and professions. It 
proposed a union and combination of the colonies 
for the purpose of obtaining a redress of grievances. 
The Congress did assemble, and had not the Stamp 
Act been repealed, their proceedings would not have 
been huddled into a corner of our national history. 

When the General Court of Massachusetts, after 
voting the Circular, adjourned, the Mechanics, as 
it is said, led by Paul Revere and Adam Colson, 
and encouraged by Colonel Dawes, took the lead 
in opposing the Stamp Act. Many excesses were 
committed — some justifiable and some inexcusable. 
Mobs paraded the streets and, in imitation of the 
London Mobs, they bore about the significant em- 
blems of a boot and a petticoat. A hbertj tree was 
consecrated. Stamp officers were compelled to re- 
sign their offices. Much property and some buildings 
were destroyed. The Stamp Act was repealed. 
Quiet was restored, but new grievance aroused a 
new spirit of resistance, full as determined, but more 
restrained. The paper war, — the war of resolutions, 
addresses, petitions, remonstrances, speeches and 
invectives, then commenced. The mechanics were 
organized, — the North End Caucus, — the Green 
Dragon Tavern, — the Massacre, — the destruction 
of the Tea, — the Port Bill, and the annihilation of 
the Charter, will not be forgotten by the people of 
Massachusetts. 



On the 19th day of April, 1775, this mode of war- 
Ikre was terminated, and on that day Benjamin 
Russell, a boy of thirteen and the son of a mechanic, 
came upon the public stage as an actor in a humble 
capacity in the great affairs of the times. He was 
then a school boy under the instruction of the cele- 
brated Master Carter. 

From a statement written by himself, I have ex- 
tracted some particulars of that eventful day. He 
says, that in the morning, soon after the opening 
of the Town School, (which was kept in ScoUay's 
buildings,) martial music was heard, and the Regulars 
were seen in movement. They were soon paraded 
in Long Acre, which is now Tremont street, and the 
line extended from- the head of the Mall to the head 
of Queen street, now Court street, facing which was 
the school house. Lord Percy, mounted on a white 
charger, was busy in arranging the column. Lord 
Percy! What recollections come thronging over the 
mind at that name ! Charlemagne — the Crusades — 
the great feudal House of Northumberland — Hotspur 
— and here — here — here in Long Acre — (Tremont 
street) was his descendant — his representative — the 
owner of his name — his state — his blazon and his 
castles — an'anging his soldiers for a battle with the 
Yankees ! Well has a native poet said — 

" I wandered through the lofty halls 

Trod by the Percy's of old fame, 
And traced upon the chapel walls 

Each high, heroic name, 
From him who once his standard set 
Where now, o'er mosque and minaret, 

Glitter the Sultan's crescent moons ; 
To him who, when a younger son, 
Fought for King George, at Lexington, 

A Major of Dragoons!" 



8 



When these movements were seen, Master Carter 
sent out one of the boys for information. It came 
full soon. The British had fallen on the Americans 
at Lexington, killed several, and had sent for a rein- 
forcement. Master Carter then said — "Boys, war 
has begun — the school is broken up." This an- 
nunciation was received with three cheers, and the 
boys, having gained their own freedom, salUed forth 
to see whether the men would gain their's. They 
followed in the rear of the column when the British 
took up their line of march, and at Roxbury, through 
the courtesy of the Provost Marshal, (an unwonted 
quahty in such characters,) they were permitted to 
pass the fortifications, and followed as far as the 
Colleges in Cambridge. The boys being wearied, 
rested on the Common, and Lord Percy's column 
proceeded through West Cambridge to Lexington. 
The boys remained in play on the common until 
near sunset, and as the firing then appeared to be 
near, they ascended a rising ground and saw the 
British army, followed by the Americans, in full 
retreat. They heard the whistling of the bullets, but 
like Charles XIL, knew not what it meant, until they 
were informed by Farmer Hastings, of Cambridge, 
that they were in danger. They descended, regained 
the Cambridge road, and began to think of eating, 
for since breakfasting they had taken no food. On 
an examination, they found their pockets nearly as 
empty as their stomachs, but through the kindness of 
Mr. Hastings, they obtained a supper, and lay down 
to their rest in one of the colleges, and amidst the 
din of arms they slept the sleep Avhich heaven in its 
mercy sends to the weary and the young. They 



9 



could not return home, for Boston was now in a 
state of close siege ; and thus were these young boys 
separated from their families and exposed to all the 
dangers of the war, and even found themselves for a 
short period between twb hostile armies, actually 
engaged in battle. The patriots of the revolution 
had hearts ; they were hearts of steel, but they were 
also hearts of flesh, and they would not permit these 
boys to suffer. They gave them quarters in the Col- 
leges, which had been converted into barracks, and fur- 
nished them with regular rations. The Commissariat 
was established in the College yard, and a printing 
office was set up by Samuel Hall, " from the press of 
which," says Major Russell, "issued streams of intelli- 
gence, and those patriotic songs and tracts which so 
pre-eminently animated the defenders of American 
Hberty." " In these good quarters, partaking of pubhc 
and private bounty," continues the Major, " we re- 
mained some weeks, — with nothing to regret, except 
that owing to the closeness of the siege, we could 
not inform our parents of our situation." 

On the morning of the 17th of June, cannon were 
heard in the direction of Boston and Charlestown. 
Something was expected, and the boys, anxious for 
the sight, ran down the Charlestown road and placed 
themselves in a spot secure from the musketry, but 
exposed to the cannon balls from the ships, — and it 
was a sight never to be forgotten. 

It is not my purpose, my Brothers, to present an 

historical narrative of the battle of Bunker's Hill, but 

only to show in general terms, those incidents which 

could not have failed to have left an enduring and 

2 



10 



indelible impression upon the mind of a sanguine, 
enterprising and enthusiastic youth. 

Boston, you well know, is surrounded by pictur- 
esque hills, forming a natural amphitheatre. The 
country was covered with verdure ; varied with cul- 
tivation and spotted with beautiful groves. In the 
midst of the most dense population in North America ; 
in the midst of all these scenes of rural beauty and 
Eden-like tranquillity, a bloody conflict was approach- 
ing. The 1 7th of June, 1775, was one of those dehght- 
ful days which sometimes gladden the severe climate 
of New England. The sun triumphed in the heavens ; 
not a cloud saddened the deep blue of the transpa- 
rent sky ; not a breath of air stirred the leaves of 
the trees or ruffled the smooth and lovely waters 
which surround this city. All nature was in repose. 
But what tempests raged in the hearts of men ! 
What hopes and fears — what fluctuating tides of 
feeling ! 

At twelve, the barges began to move from the head 
of Long Wharf over the waters, filled with soldiers, 
whose burnished arms gleamed bright in the sun- 
beams, while their rich scarlet dresses dazzled the 
eyes of every beholder. 

Bating the sad reflection that men of the same 
lineage and language — subjects of the same King 
and readers of the same Bible, were about to slaughter 
each other, — the spectacle was not only animating 
and delightful, but grand, imposing and sublime. 

In three hours, the battle had assumed the most 
terrific aspect. Twice repulsed, the British were still 
advancing. The hill was running with blood. The 
peals of cannon from the ships of war and from the 



11 



batteries on the land, were reverberating over the 
waters and through the hills. The houses in Boston 
and throughout the surrounding (country were shaking 
with the concussion. On the hill tops and the 
house tops, thousands and thousands were viewing 
this trial of arms with swelling hearts and burning 
eyes. Shouts burst forth from the men — the Avomen 
trembled and pressed their infants to their bosoms. 
The roar of the cannon — a town in flames — dead 
bodies — wounded men — blood — havoc — shouts and 
groans — formed an assemblage of sounds and sights 
temble even in countries inured to all the dread 
Adcissitudes of war, but fraught with double horrors 
in a country in which, until within a few weeks, the 
gleam of a hostile musket had never been seen. 
The graphic pen of General Burgoyne has left the 
picture. The stake was an empire ; the actors on 
one side might be rebels, or they might be heroes ; 
they might be disgraced with the halter, or honored 
with the monument. 

It was on this eventful day, that Benjamin Russell, 
at the age of 13, gained a knowledge of some things 
never taught in a school room ! 

Several of the boys, he says, crossed and recrossed 
the neck during the battle — that same neck over 
which an American officer told General Putnam no 
one could cross and live. General Putnam, who 
was a great favorite with the boys, in his eccentric 
movements on his " long tailed Connecticut horse, 
often came near us," says Major Russell, " and 
then we cheered him with an huzza for OldPut,^' — a 
name which followed him through the whole course 
of his service. 



12 

After the battle, the boys returned to the Colleges. 
Hitherto they had been living at free quarters, but 
New Englanders are very apt to require a quid pro 
quo. A scheme was soon devised to make these 
boys useful. They had been well taught ; they were 
good readers, good writers, and had some knowledge 
of arithmetic. 

They were attached to some of the companies as 
clerks. " It fell to my lot," says Major Russell, " to 
become the clerk of the company of Connecticut 
troops commanded by Captain Putnam, a nephew or 
son of the General. We were stationed with other 
troops on Prospect Hill, where the General was in 
command. I did duty as clerk until the ensuing 
August. One day I was returning from the Commis- 
saries' depot, with the weekly provisions of the com- 
pany, having four men with me, and I met my 
father and uncle, who had just escaped from Boston. 
My father had not seen or heard of me since the 
19th of April. He was so rejoiced to see me, that 
he was about to shake me for not writing to him. 
One of the soldiers took fire — ' Don't shake that boy. 
Sir,' said he, 'he is our clerk.' " An explanation took 
place ; the father and son repaired to General Put- 
nam's tent. At the intercession of his father. General 
Putnam released him, and gave him an honorable 
discharge from his first service as a Revolutionary 
soldier. On the next day, his father took him to 
Worcester and bound him an apprentice to Isaiah 
Thomas, the celebrated printer, bookseller, editor and 
publisher. (^) 

Master Carter's school had been broken up. His 

*See Note 1. 



13 



career in arms had been arrested by his father, and 
Major Russell now entered a school in which a 
mind like his could not fail to profit. He was in 
that school where the highest principles of hberty 
were taught, — the printing office of Isaiah Thomas, 
in Worcester. 

Among Ms fellow-apprentices, was the late Timothy 
Bigelow ; but he abandoned the trade of printing, and 
as a lawyer and statesman rose to great eminence. 
Between him and Major Russell the most sincere 
and cordial arijfl uninterrupted friendship prevailed 
tlirough life. 

Major Russell's father died in November, 1778, 
lea\dng him at the age of 16, the eldest of his family, 
and with no provision for his or their support. He 
continued in the office of Mr Thomas until sometime 
in 1780, when by the consent of his friends, he 
enlisted in the Continental army as a private soldier ; 
and on the 17th of July 1780, at the age of 17, he 
marched from AVorcester to share the unparalled 
deprivations of that glorious copartnership in suftering 
and in glory, of those hardy men who sometimes 
found a snow bank not only the softest, but the 
warmest bed. The life of a private soldier has Uttle 
to interest ; they share the hardships and dangers 
of war, but seldom its fame, and the stern necessities 
of mihtary duty must sometimes wring a heart of 
humanity. I have heard Major RusseU say, that he 
was one of the guard of Major Andre on the day 
of his execution. He did his duty to the last, and 
when the army disbanded, retired, at the age of 21, 
with an honorable discharge, and with a pocket full 
of paper promises which were scarcely available for 



14 



a breakfast ; but he was not given to despair. He 
resumed his trade ; and on the 24 th day of March, 
1784, estabhshed the Columbian Centinel, in Boston. 

It is said that while in the service, Major Russell 
once saw by accident a Lodge of Freemasons in 
session in a Tent. He recognised the Sergeant 
Major of one of the regiments on an elevated seat, 
covered. He also recognised Washington sitting, 
uncovered, amongst the Brethren. The boy soldier, 
accustomed to reverence the Commander in Chief 
as the greatest of human beings, could not under- 
stand how he could be less than the greatest, or how 
one of the least could be more honored than the 
gi-eatest. On inquiry, he ascertained the practical 
equality of the Brotherhood. Charmed with the 
idea, soon after his return to Boston, he was initia- 
ted and became a Freemason. 

When the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts was 
reconstituted in 1792, he with John Cutler, John 
Lowell, Josiah Bartlett, Mungo Mackay and Samuel 
Parkman, were amongst the first Grand Officers.^^^ 
He went through the several gradations of office in 
the Grand Lodge, until in December, 1813, he at- 
tained the highest place, being elected Grand Master. 

It is not my purpose, my Brothers, to enlarge on 
the principles or practices of Freemasonry; but mere- 
ly to state, without going into details, the part which 
our departed Brother has taken in that Institution, 
and it is sufficient to state, that, in all that is called 
the business of the Lodge, he was active and effi- 
cient, avoiding neither trouble, nor labor. Serving on 
committees; visiting Lodges ; in short, fulfilling every 
active duty imposed on him by the Brethren. It is 



15 



not necessary for me to tell you how well he perlbrni- 
ed his general duties as a Freemason. The bene- 
fits of his unceasing benevolence ; his kindness of 
heart, and his unbounded generosity, have been felt 
by many, and I have no doubt are duly and grate- 
fully remembered. He never held back the helping 
hand from a Brother in distress. His social feehngs 
were always alive, and he never shrunk in the hour 
of danger, or sheltered himself from the storm when 
it hung over the Lodges. When the great men, of 
the land, exhibited their phantoms to the people, — 
dressed our Fraternity in blood-colored robes, and 
shewed the Lodges filled with corpses and dead 
men's bones ; when we were threatened with penal 
laws, the loss of our social rights, and disfranchise- 
ment, his spirit rose to resist the oppression, and hke 
the steel of Damascus, it shewed that its temper was 
true. 

During the upheaving of the revolutionary ele- 
ments in Europe, many of the children of misfortune 
and the victims of change, were sojourners in our 
land, most of whom, perhaps, were Freemasons, and 
amongst them many Genevese and Frenchmen. To 
these poor wanderers the heart and the purse of our 
Brother Russell were always open. In the early files 
of the Centinel will be found acknowledgments of 
his kindness and good offices from Brissot, after- 
wards the distinguished chief of the Girondists. 

Another illustrious wanderer, now wearing the 
crown of France, Avith his two brothers, came amongst 
us, with means, probably, scarce sufficient for a 
week's subsistence. He sought the acquaintance of 
our Brotlier, and his Brother. He offered him some 



16 



books of great value. Without cheapening, he bought 
them. He penetrated the exigency. He gave the 
assistance circuitously, which he had too much deh- 
cacy, too nice an apprehension of the sensitiveness 
of greatness in distress, to offer directly, and this book 
of the several purchased, he kept through life."* To 
the claims of misfortune he never turned a deaf ear, 
whether his Brother came from afar or from the next 
door, whether he was a pauper or a prince. It is the 
distress, not the rank of the sufferer, which creates 
the claim to Masonic assistance. 

In this connection, it is proper to state one fact 
which has been the occasion of much calumny. I 
mean the visit of Major Russell to the British frigate 
Nymph, during the last war. He has been repre- 
sented, by party malevolence, as a traitor to his 
country, holding intercourse with, and giving aid and 
comfort to, the public enemy. The facts are these : 
Major Russell had a kinsman on board the Nymph, 
who was detained as a prisoner. Learning that the 
captain of the Nymph was a Freemason, he resolved 
to make an attempt to release him. He applied to 
the proper authorities for a flag of truce. It was re- 
fused. He then hired a pilot boat and cruised for 
several days before he could find the frigate. As he 
approached, no flag being displayed, he was hailed 
from the frigate and threatened ; but he kept on his 
way, reached the frigate, inquired for the captain, 
made himself known as one of the Brotherhood, 
and received the hospitality which was his due. 
The captain recognised the Masonic obligation, re- 
leased his kinsman, and with him four other Ameri- 

*This book is now in the possession of the family of Major Russell. 



17 



can prisoners, and he returned to Boston triiinijihuig 
in the success of this voyage of humanity. 

If Freemasonry can mitigate the ferocity of war 
by acts hke these, are Freemasons to be condemned 
as traitors ? Is the spirit of philanthropy to be 
chained and fettered ? Are men like watch-dogs, to 
be let loose only to rend the stranger? It is our 
business, my Brothers, to feed the hungry, to clothe 
the naked, to visit the sick, to comfort the afflicted ; 
and to liberate the captive. If in the performance of 
such duties, we oftend against the laws of the land, 
then let the avenging arm of the law strike home. 
We can suffer, but we cannot overlook the obHga- 
tions of humanity. 

I return to the Columbian Centinel. The arrange- 
ment of the matter in that paper, according to my 
judgment, was perfect. At least, I have seen none 
better in the London papers of the first reputation. 
The capitals — the small capitals — the large, middling 
and small type — were exactly in the right places. 
The contents of the paper might be seen at a glance. 
The Centinel seemed to come everywhere hke a 
familiar acquaintance. It told us just what we 
wished to know. The editor was not a closet man, — 
he kept about the streets, — he saw every body, — he 
knew most of the citizens. He hked to be in those 
places " where merchants most do congregate." He 
gathered something from every current of conversa- 
tion as it drifted by, and having ascertained the most 
interesting topics of the day, his paper on the next 
morning told the whole. If a comet appeared — ,if 
there was a remarkable eclipse, — a meteor, — a terri- 
fic Aurora BoreaUs, — a thunder-storm — the Centinel 
3 



18 



gave the popular account, — not a scientific analysis, 
but such particulars as the mass of its readers 
could understand. If a distinguished foreigner or 
stranger was in the city, the Centinel was the first to 
announce it. If a celebrated actor appeared on the 
stage, the Centinel was the first to tell us the story of 
his English , life, the range of his acting, and his 
peculiar excellencies. The ncAvs from Europe was 
always first in the Centinel, — the summary precluded 
the necessity of reading the details. When Napo- 
leon's mighty armies were moving about Europe, 
Major Russell, who was an accurate geographer, 
could always explain the exact position of the belli- 
gerents, and in speculating on the chances of battles, 
he seldom erred. He had more country correspon- 
dents than all the editors of Boston, and was sure to 
have the first returns of all interesting elections. If 
any ne\v and interesting discovery was made ; if any 
remarkable shipwreck occurred, the Centinel was 
the first to give the particulars. If Burke, Fox, Pitt 
or Sheridan — if Fisher Ames, Madison, Giles, Gou- 
veneur Morris, or John Randolph, made brilhant or 
remarkable speeches, they were first seen in the 
Centinel. In short, the Editor seemed to know 
exactly what his readers wanted, — not by any pro- 
found knowledge of human nature, — but by the 
most assiduous and careful inquiries. 

The poet's corner of the Centinel was always well 
filled, and from it many of us have gained our first 
knowledge of some of the gi*eatest of the modern 
poets, particularly of Cowper, AVords worth, and 
Southey. The editor seemed to have a peculiar 
rehsh for the fun and quaint humor of John Wolcott, 



19 

better known by his poetical name of Peter Pindar. 
He delighted in the revohitionary spngs, and always 
had a place for our native poets. The effusions of 
Dwight, Barlow, Trumbull, Hopldns, Paine and Mrs. 
Morton, often enriched his columns. To him we 
owe that splendid stanza in the Song of Adams and 
Liberty, in which Washington is introduced, not that 
he wrote it, but in a manner he compelled Paine to 
write it. 

In the diary of Samuel Davis, the indefatigable 
Antiquary of the Old Colony of Plymouth, under the 
date of July, 1817, this notice occurs: "This day I 
met with B. Russell, in State Street. He adverted 
to the first appearance of the Centinel in 1784, and 
repeated a stanza from Day, a pastoral poem, written 
by Cunningham, which appeared in some of the first 
impressions of the Centinel. I was present when 
the first paper (Warden and Russell, Editors.) was 
struck off in 1784, at which period I purchased Cun- 
ningham's poems, and loaned them to the editors. 
Mr. Russell said that these, with other similar contri- 
butions, were of great advantage to the early reputa- 
tion of his paper, and that not any more popular 
things had appeared since. I was surprised at the 
readiness of liis recollections. He replied, that he 
could repeat the whole of that beautiful pastoral." 

Yet with all his keen perceptions of the beauties 
of the Enghsh Poets, he turned with deeper devotion 
to the sublime poetry of the scriptures. " He ap- 
peared," says the Rev. Dr. Jenks, " to entertain a 
marked respect for the scriptures. I well recollect 
his once telhng me that a friend once said to him, 



20 

You can find nothing in the Bible so beautiful as 
that of Shakspeare, 

" How sweet the moonlight sleeps upon the bank," &c. 

Yes, said the Major, 1 can, and referred to Deut. 
xxviii. 56." Much as he admired the high gifted poets 
of modern ages, he turned with deeper — with the 
deepest devotion to those glorious prophet poets, 
whose lays are not only glowing with the fires of 
human genius, but burning with the fires of heaven 
and echoing the voice of God, 

It now becomes expedient to trace the political 
career of Major Russell, when he was acting accord- 
ing to his own convictions, free from all party obliga- 
tions. 

In February, 1781, Congress recommended to the 
several States to impose a duty of five per cent, ad 
valorem on all foreign articles of merchandize, (with 
a few exceptions,) imported into the United States, to 
be apphed to the payment of the interest of the debt 
contracted on the faith of the United States, and to 
the extinguishment of the principal. To render this 
recommendation valid, the assent of all the States 
was necessary. Rhode Island refused, and the pro- 
ject failed. 

Intelligent men, both in public and private life, 
then began to perceive that the power given to Con- 
gress by the articles of Confederation, was insuffi- 
cient to provide even for minor evils, and that for the 
great purposes of sustaining the public credit, inspi- 
ring confidence, providing the means of defence, and 
discharging the public debt, those articles were wholly 
inefficient 

As early as May, 1781, one Pelatiah Webster, an 



21 



obscure citizen of Philadelphia, but, according to 
JMr. Madison, an able man, pubhshed a pamphlet, in 
which, after setting forth the wretched condition of 
the country, he proposed remedies ; one of which 
was, the estabhshment of a National Bank; and 
another, the assembling of a National Convention, to 
devise a National Constitution. 

Congress had the power to declare war, but not 
the power to carry it on. A single State might defeat 
a scheme of taxation to which all the others assent- 
ed ; and a single State might stain the honor and 
violate the obligations of the other twelve. The 
sword, without the purse, was but a barren emblem 
of authority. In war and in negotiation, Congress 
were equally powerless. With great apparent pow- 
ers, thev really had none. Yet the faults of the sys- 
tem of government were charged upon them. The 
public evils sprung unquestionably from the feeble 
legislation of the States ; but the people laid them at 
the door of Congress, and instead of strengthening 
then- hands, they appeared determined to tie them. 

Under these circumstances, the public debt had 
accumulated. No loans could be effected at home 
or abroad ; the interest of the foreign debt was un- 
paid ; the claims of the army were unsatisfied, and 
the soldiers and officers were clamoring for arrears. 

For the service of the year 1783, $3,200,000 were 
absolutely required, and on the motion of Col. Ham- 
ilton, a mission was sent to Rhode Island, to enforce 
upon the government of that State, the necessity of 
coming into the general system. This mission failed. 
Virginia retracted her assent, and Congress were left 
helpless and pennyless. 



22 



The low and significant murmurs in which the 
army had whispered their discontents, were swelhng 
into loud tones of remonstrance, and threats were 
heard in the corners and secret places of the camp. 

Early in 1783, Congress issued an earnest and 
solemn address to the States, entreatins: them to 
make some provision to sustain the public credit. 
" The obligations of common justice, good faith, and 
moral principles," they said, " required it." 

Under these circumstances, after the most urgent 
solicitations. General Washington, who had always 
abstained from interfering in any measure uncon- 
nected Avitli his command, was induced, on the 8th 
day of June, 1783, to issue his celebrated circular 
letter addressed to the Governors of the several 
States. He deemed the perils of the times so alarm- 
ing that he overcame his scruples, and pressed upon 
the States the absolute necessity of an indissoluble 
union under one Federal head — a sacred regard to 
public justice — a competent peace establishment — a 
conciliatory spirit amongst the States, and an aban- 
donment of local politics. He said every thing was 
tending to anarchy, and "that it was indispensible 
to the happiness of individual States, that there 
should be lodged somewhere a supreme power to 
regulate and govern the general concerns of the 
Confederated Republics, without which the union 
could be of no long duration." 

The address of Washington failed to bring about 
the changes which he recommended, but it prepared 
the minds of many to receive them with favor 
afterwards. 

Such was the situation of public affairs, when 



23 



Benjamin Russell established the Columbian Centi- 
nel. All were convinced that the Confederation was 
wholly insufficient for the purposes for which it 
was created. All acknoAvledged the necessity of a 
change, yet, with the exception of Pelatiah Webster 
and General Washington, none seemed ready for it. 
The country was at peace, but overwhelmed with 
debt. The public credit was at an end. The sol- 
diers had returned to their homes, with a sense of 
"wi'ong, discontented and sulky, and the national 
resources seemed wholly unavailable for want of the 
means to bring them forth. Strictly spedking, there 
were no parties. John Hancock was the Governor 
of Massachusetts, and it is believed that during the 
years 1784 and 1785, the Centinel supported his ad- 
ministration. 

A question, however, was growing up which 
threatened at one time to assume some importance. 
Before the army was disbanded, a charitable society 
was formed by the officers, which took the name of 
Cincinnati, and the shape of a mihtary Order, with a 
badge. The jealousies of several leading statesmen 
were roused, and they saw in this Order the germs 
of an aristocracy which might overthrow the liberties 
of the people, ^danus Burke, of South Carolina, 
wrote a pamphlet against the Order. Even Count 
Mirabeau, that immaculate Frenchman, who was de- 
termined by his talents and daring to force his way 
back to society, from which his vices had excluded 
him, and who, after throwing France into an anar- 
chy, sold himself to the court ; — he too was afraid 
that the liberties of the American people would fall 
a sacrifice to the domineering: ambition of the Cin- 



24 



cinnati, and lie wrote a pamphlet against them. The 
people, however, were not alarmed. They had no 
suspicion that those who had built up their liberties 
would pull them down, and they never withdrew 
their confidence from their defenders, whether they 
belonged to the Order of Cincinnati or not. The 
denunciations against the Cincinnati were probably 
intended to excite popular jealousy against Wash- 
ington, whose popularity had become so unbounded 
as to occasion envy, and there were some relics of 
the old factious spirit of 1778, remaining. All the 
politicians who then endeavored to effect the remo- 
val of AVashington, were now clamoring against the 
Cincinnati. In this controversy, Major Russell, a 
soldier himself, lent a zealous and efficient aid to his 
former companions in arms. 

In the winter of 1784-85, a new advocate for a 
stronger government appeared. Noah Webster, the 
Lexicographer, in a publication which appeared at 
that time, held out the first idea of a government 
which should operate directly on the people, without 
the intervention of the States, and should vest in 
Congress full power to carry its laws into effect. 

During this period, the Centinel was the steady 
advocate for the inviolability of the public faith, and 
of a government with strength enough to maintain it. 

A committee of Congress, in February, 17S6, 
asserted in a report, that " a crisis had arrived when 
the people of the United States, by whose will, and 
for whose benefit, the Federal Government ^vas insti- 
tuted, must determine whether they would support 
their rank as a nation, by maintaining the public 
faith at home and abroad," or by refusmg, would haz- 
ard it. 



25 



Such was the urgency of the circumstances of the 
nation in 1786, that even Virginia and Rhode Island 
assented to the five per cent impost. Antl then New 
York fell back, and the whole scheme was again 
frustrated. 

Irritating and vexatious disputes sprung up be- 
tween the States. All were endeavoring to fill their 
empty Treasuries by imposts. The trade of some of 
the States, carried on through the ports of others, was 
taxed. Connecticut taxed the imports from Massa- 
chusetts. By the navigation laws of New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Maryland, the citizens 
of other States were accounted aliens. Treaties with 
foreign nations were violated by the States. Georgia 
made treaties and carried on wars with the Indians. 
Massachusetts raised and kept up troops without the 
consent of Congress. Pennsylvania and New Jersey 
had separate compacts, as if they were independent 
nations. In some of the States, paper money and 
tender laws had made inroads as deep on morals as 
on property. Creditors and debtors were in equal 
distress. The one could recover no debts, — the other 
could obtain no credit. Even the paper money was 
driven by its utter worthlessness, out of circulation, 
and there was scarcely any specie. There Avere nei- 
ther naturalization or bankrupt laws. Wrongs were 
remediless and rights unprotected. If the moral 
sense of the people was not destroyed, it was put to 
sleep. Even the barter trade was carried on as 
amongst savages — at arms-length. 

The distresses of the public and of individuals 
were ahke. The pressure was equal. The foreign 
creditors pressed the American importers for their 
4 



26 



debts; the importers pressed the country traders; 
they pressed their customers, and the customers com- 
prised the great body of the people. The supphes 
were from the shops, for there were no domestic 
manufactures. The British witheld the western 
posts. Their ships and manufactures came into the 
American ports in many places free of duty, while 
heavy duties were imposed on the Americans in 
British ports ; and there was no power in Congress 
to regulate trade, or to contravene these impositions. 
A dismemberment of the States, and the formation of 
separate confederacies, were subjects openly and 
familiarly discussed. The most friendly of the for- 
eign nations entertained but faint hopes of the reno- 
vation of American prosperity. The others were 
exulting in the anticipated downfal of a Republic. 

To complete this train of evils, a formidable rebel- 
lion broke out in Massachusetts, which is generally 
known by the name of Shays's Insurrection. 

Massachusetts was determined to clear herself of 
the general wreck, and, by a vigorous effort, to' restore 
her individual credit and to fulfil her obligations. 
To do this, she looked an insurrection in the face, 
and imposed taxes to such an enormous amount, 
that there was unquestionably great and general 
distress, and most ruinous sacrifices of property ; 
but those who imposed the taxes suffered equally 
with those who opposed them. They had the sagacity 
to perceive that the disorder of the body politic was 
too dangerous to be dallied with. It had got beyond 
the reach of palhatives, and they had the firmness to 
apply the caustic. 

It was at this period, that the services of Benjamin 



27 



Eussell were invaluable to th(^ State of Massachusetts. 
He occasionally passed between the Governor and 
the Camp, making his reports for the information 
of each ; but his greatest services were in another 
capacity. 

In Boston, there were only two newspapers which 
had any considerable circulation. The Chronicle 
and the Centinel. The Chronicle did not advise a 
forcible resistance to the laws, but it was constantly 
agitating, exciting and inflaming the minds of the 
people, crushed as they were, under the weight of 
taxes, by professions of pity and sympathy ; — con- 
stantly tracing the evils which had fallen on the State 
to high salaries, the fee bill, the Courts and the 
Lawyers ; — constantly hinting about the dark and 
dangerous designs of the Cincinnati, and the military 
men of the revolution. The Senate was said to be 
of little use, and the Lieutenant Governor and Coun- 
cil of none at all. The people, it was said, were all 
equal, and men in oflice were entitled to no respect. 
They were the servants, and the people the masters. 
The words rulers and magistrates were aristocratic 
words — not to be used in a EepubUc. Such was the 
language of a leading newspaper, in the midst of an 
insurrection, and while the Insurgents were actually 
besieging the Court Houses. For every excess, riot 
and act of rebelUon, there were palliations and excuses 
in the Chronicle, and the grand remedies which were 
proposed for all the public evils, were turning some 
men out of office, — suppressing the lawyers, — lessen- 
ing the taxes, — reducing salaries and cutting down 
the fee-bill. All this was pretence, and all the intel- 
ligent persons who were using this language, (and 



28 



there were many,) must have known that if the 
whole administration was changed ; if the salaries of 
the Governor, Judges and other pubhc officers, were 
reduced to the standard of a day-laborer's wages, — if 
the fee-bill should have substituted coppers for dol- 
lars, and if every lawyer should have been driven 
from the State, — that the burthens on the people of 
Massachusetts would not have been diminished by 
the weight of a feather. The evil was too mighty for 
redress by State legislation, yet by the constant reite- 
ration of this abuse, the Governor, the Judges, the 
lawyers and the laws, were brought into discredit. 

On the other hand, the Centinel, with great spirit 
and energy, defended the laws and the Courts, and 
contended that at this crisis, the public order, the 
pubhc peace, and the uninterrupted course of justice, 
were to be maintained at every hazard, and that it 
was the duty of every good citizen to rally around 
the constituted authorities, with arms in his hands, 
if arms were necessary, ready for every exigency. 
All the professions of love and pity for the people, 
were scouted as mawkish affectation and mock phi- 
lanthropy. The Centinel contended that no commu- 
nity could exist without a civil organization, which 
included Governors, Courts, Judges, Lawyers and 
taxes, — that a Senate and Council were not only im- 
portant, but necessary in a balanced government, — 
that the salaries of the public officers were scarcely 
adequate to their support, — that men who had laid 
down their arms, and retired quietly to poverty and 
obscurity, maimed with wounds, after seven years 
of hardship and suftering, with nothing for their 
services but the glory of their scars, were not. proper 
objects for popular jealousy and distrust. 



29 



This newspaper was hot only supplied with striking- 
editorial articles, but it was filled with articles on 
these topics from the ablest writers of the period. 
Its energy and boldness sustained and animated the 
sinking hearts of the peaceful and timid, and kept 
alive in the midst of the desolations of these wild 
times, the spirit of loyalty to the Constitution, and of 
attachment to the great conservative principles of 
law, order and pubhc justice. 

The insinuations against the Military, in the Chron- 
icle, were aimed at General Lincoln, who commanded 
the army raised for the suppression of the rebellion, 
General Brooks, who conmianded the militia of 
Middlesex, and General Cobb, who commanded the 
militia of the Old Colony. Yet, by a mingled system 
of energy and humanity, they crushed the rebellion 
without shedding blood, — without requsitions, — with- 
out confiscations. They opened the Court Houses, 
restored the authority of the laws and the peace of 
the community. 

Governor Bowdoin had done his duty as Chief 
Magistrate ; consequently, he had his reward, and lost 
his election. Governor Hancock, who was supposed 
to be more indulgent towards the insurgents, returned 
to office in May, 1787, and in both branches of the 
legislature there was a majority who were not dis- 
posed to visit the late ofiences too roughly. 

It now becomes expedient further to trace the pro- 
gressive steps towards the estabhshment of a stronger 
government. 

In March, 1785, certain Commissioners appointed 
by the States of Virginia and Maiyland, to frame a 
compact between those States for the purpose of reg- 



30 



ulating navigation in the Chesapeake and its waters, 
assembled at Alexandria. They visited Mount Ver- 
non, and wliile there agreed to propose to their 
respective States, the appointment of Commissioners 
to report to Congress a plan for the defence of the 
Chesapeake, and a system of uniform duties ; but it 
seems that nothing grew out of this recommenda- 
tion, and Mr. Madison, who was a member of the 
General Assembly of Virginia, during the year 1785, 
complains much of the wayward and perverse tem- 
per of that body. A resolution, however, had been 
introduced by Mr. Tyler, proposing the appointment 
of Commissioners to meet the Commissioners ol 
such States as should do the same, who should be 
instructed to devise a plan for the regulation of trade 
between themselves ; which plan being reported to 
the concurring States, and by them unanimously 
ratified, "would enable the United States in Con- 
gress, effectually to provide for the same." 

This resolution was not received vidth favor by the 
Assembly, and was laid on the table. On the last 
day of the session, January 21, 1786, it was called 
up and unanimously adopted. The crisis was so 
alarming, that the Assembly, under the apprehension 
of great evils, deemed immediate action necessary. 

Four States only, concurred in the measure propo- 
sed by Virginia ; being New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania and Delaware; and Commissioners from 
these States assembled on the 11th day of September, 
1786, at Annapolis, in Maryland. They deemed it 
inexpedient to do more than unite in a Report to 
their own States. The report was drawn by Alexan- 
der Hamilton. The absolute necessity of provisions 



31 



for the regulating of trade, and for strengthening the 
hands of Congress, for such purpose, were strongly 
stated. The report concluded with recommending 
a General Convention of all the States at Philadel- 
phia, in May, 1787, "to devise such further provisions 
as should appear necessary to render the Federal 
government adequate to the exigencies of the Union." 
From ^^ motives of respect^'' copies of this Report were 
transmitted to the several States, not represented at 
Annapolis, and to Congress. 

Although the names of Federalists and Antifederal- 
ists did not become generally current until the year 
1787, yet perhaps the origin of those names may 
properly be referred to the year 1786. 

The Federal party then comprised nearly the whole 
body of the public creditors ; most of the revolution- 
ary officers ; the capitalists, and most of the mer- 
chants, ship owners, na\igators, and persons whose 
business lay on the seas ; fishermen, mechanics, man- 
ufacturers, law3^ers and clergymen. The great body 
of the planters at the South, and the farmers at the 
North, were Antifederalists ; but amongst their lead- 
ers were revolutionary Generals, experienced states- 
men and learned men. The exhausted state of the 
countr}'^, and the distresses of the people, were urged 
by them as reasons against taxation, although they 
were compelled to admit that there was no other 
mode by which justice could be done to the pubUc 
creditors. They preferred measures of temporary 
reUef to any permanent system of revenue. 

The Federalists were anxious to render the Union 
more permanent by establishing a strong and vigor- 
ous government under a Federal head. The Anti- 



32 



federalists were averse to any government which, by 
its positive and unchecked powers, should impair the 
dignity or the sovereignty of the States. 

The Antifederal party was numerous and powerful 
in Virginia, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecti- 
cut, New Hampshire, Maryland, and ultimately in 
New York, and the Federalists could not rely on a 
certain majority in any State. 

It was at this early period, that Major Russell was 
found amongst the small band of original Federalists ; 
and he was an ardent, sincere, enthusiastic Federal- 
ist, — an active and indefatigable Federahst, — a Fed- 
eralist even before there was a constitution, a Fed- 
eralist even before his party had taken its distinct 
name and character. From that name, through good 
and evil report, he never swerved ; and as Oliver 
Cromwell said of the name of gentleman — " it was 
a good name once ;" and circumstances were about 
to occur which brought that name before the nation 
and the world, with honor. 

On the 28d of November, 1786, Virginia and New 
Jersey adopted the proposition of the Commissioners 
assembled at Annapolis, and elected delegates to a 
General Convention. On the 30th of December, 
Pennsylvania followed the example. On the 6th of 
January, 1787, North Carohna, although not repre- 
sented at Annapolis, did the same, and on the 3d of 
February, 1787, Delaware acceded. 

It must be recollected, that the Annapolis Conven- 
tion was acting entirely independent of Congress, 
and only under the authority of the States which 
they represented. In these times, such a Convention 
Avould probably be called a Hartford Convention, and 



33 



denounced as a traitorous assemblage. Tlien, public 
virtue was not so exalted and refined ; — the sense of 
patriotism not so pure and nice, as in these days of 
political perfection. Then, there were no political 
Animal Magnetists to send out their wits to the polar 
ices, or up to the moon, to hunt up treason. The 
proposition of the anomalous Convention began to 
find favor with the people, and many, thinking it 
reasonable, were willing to try it. 

Congress, however, did not receive the AnnapoUs 
Report with nmcli favor ; but they referred it, and it 
rested in the hands of the Committee until the alarm- 
ing state of affairs in Massachusetts, and the proceed- 
ings in the New York Assembly, who had voted to 
instruct their delegates to bring the proposition for a 
Convention before that body, quickened their move- 
ments ; and on the 21st day of February, 1787, the 
subject was called up. The Committee, in brief 
terms, reported a resolution, in which, after alluding 
to the Annapolis Report, they recommended to the 
States to elect delegates to a General Convention. 

The objections in Congress to recommending a 
Convention, says Mr. Madison, were with some, " that 
it tended to weaken the Federal authority, by lend- 
ing its sanction to an extra-constitutional mode of 
proceeding; with others, that the interposition of 
Congress would be considered by the jealous as be- 
traying an ambitious wish to get power into their 
hands by any plan whatever." 

Mr. Smith, and Mi*. Egbert Benson, of New York, 
moved a substitute for the resolution reported by the 
Committee, by which the functions of the Conven- 
tion would have been confined to amending the arti- 
6 



34 



cles of the Confederation, and reporting the amend- 
ments to the States and to Congress. This substitute 
was not adopted. 

Mr. Nathan Dane, and Mr. Rufus King, the dele- 
gates of Massachusetts, then offered another substi- 
tute. It did not vary essentially from that offered by 
the delegates of New York, and only defined the au- 
thority of the Convention with more precision, " who 
should be elected," said this substitute, " for the sole 
and express purpose of revising the articles of (con- 
federation, and reporting to Congress, and the several 
Legislatures, such alterations and provisions therein, 
as should, when agreed to in Congress, and confirmed 
by the States, render the Federal Constitution ade- 
quate to the exigencies of government, and the pre- 
servation of the Union." 

This substitute was adopted (with the exception of 
the delegates from Connecticut,) unanimously, and 
sent forth to the States. 

As Congress had now given their sanction to the 
Convention, New York elected her delegates on the 
6th of March, 1787. South CaroHna on the 8th, Mas- 
sachusetts on the 10th, and Connecticut on the 10th, 
of May. 

Ten States had now chosen delegates. In New 
Hampshire and Maryland no appointments had been 
made, and Rhode Island formally refused to join in 
the measure ; but a letter was addressed to the Con- 
vention, signed by the most eminent merchants and 
citizens of Providence, expressing their approbation 
of it. 

The 14th day of May, 1787, had been appointed 
for the assembling of the Convention, but no quorum 



35 

appeared until the 25th. It was then organized, and 
General Washington appointed President. 

On the 26th of May, Maryland elected delegates ; 
but delegates were not elected in New Hampshire 
until some time afterwards. When the New Hamp- 
shire delegates appeared, every State was represented, 
but Rhode Island. 

The Convention soon ascertained that the objects 
for which they had been elected, could not be accom- 
plished under the restrictions in the recommendation 
of Congress, and those in their own Commissions. 
The articles of the Confederation, in their judgment, 
could not be amended. If the Confederation was 
retained, each State must necessarily retain its entire 
sovereignty, and consequently Congress could have 
no efficiency. They would constitue an advising 
Council only. Under these circumstances, the Con- 
vention assumed the responsibility of taking upon 
themselves functions not named in the warrant of 
their authority, and to frame a Constitution, de novo. 

During the period while the Constitution was un- 
der discussion, the exertions of Major Russell were 
indefatigable. Young, ardent, enthusiastic, he opera- 
ted with great effect amongst that class of people to 
which he belonged — the mechanics of Boston. Upon 
them he was constantly inculcating his sentiments, 
and endeavoring to persuade them that a stronger 
government was absolutely essential to their inter- 
ests, which were most completely involved in the in- 
terests of the merchants and men of property. They 
listened to him, for his arguments were sound. They 
beUeved him, for they saw he was in earnest ; and 
before the Constitution was promulgated, nearly the 



36 



whole body of mechanics in Boston had become 
Federahsts. 

The Constitution came forth, and then there was 
something tangible for consideration and discussion. 
Such an instrument could not fail to present much 
disputable matter, and its merits and demerits were 
most amply discussed and explained in the newspa- 
pers, and even our best informed statesmen may gain 
some new light by reading the Centinel for the year 
1787. 

The Constitution had been reported to Congress, 
and was by them transmitted to the several States, 
and Conventions called in each. It was ratified 
unanimously, by the Convention of Delaware, on the 
7th day of December, 1787 ; by a large majority of 
the Convention of Pennsylvania, on the 12th day of 
the same December ; by the Convention of New 
Jersey, unanimously, on the 18th day of the same 
month ; by the Convention of Virginia, unanimously, 
on the 2d day of January, 1788, and by a large ma- 
jority of the Convention of Connecticut, on the 9th 
day of January, 1788. On the same day (January 
9th,) the Convention of Massachusetts assembled. 
John Hancock was elected President, and William 
Gushing, Vice President. Hitherto the Constitution 
had been well received. It had been adopted in 
three States unanimously, and in two by very large 
majorities ; but it had now reached a State in which 
there was a fierce, numerous, and formidable opposi- 
tion. The eyes of the whole nation were now turn- 
ed to the Convention of Massachusetts. If they 
rejected the Constitution, the last hope was gone, and 
the cry soon would have been, " Every man to your 



37 



tents, O Israel." It is an unquestionable truth, that 
not only the Governor, and a majority of both 
branches of the Legislature, but of the people, and 
the Convention itself, were opposed to the adoption 
of the Constitution when the Convention assembled. 
The people of the counties of Suffolk, Essex, Ply- 
mouth and Barnstable, being commercial and sea-far- 
ing, Avere its advocates. The District of Maine was 
nearly divided, and in the other counties the majori- 
ties against the Constitution were large, decided, ob- 
stinate and apparently inveterate. 

The deep rooted attachment, and the unbounded 
confidence which the Bostonians had always reposed 
in John Hancock and Samuel Adams, were abiding 
feelings, and although their sentiments respecting the 
Constitution, were known to be equivocal, and sus- 
pected to be averse, yet they would not discard them, 
and they Avere elected amongst the twelve delegates 
from the town. The ancient name of Winthrop, 
was still venerated by the people, and John Winthrop, 
whose views respecting the Constitution were similar 
to those of Hancock and Adams, was also a dele- 
gate from Boston, The sentiments of Dr. Stillman, 
another delegate, were not declared, and Dr. Jarvis, 
another delegate, had doubts. 

No sooner had the organization of the Convention 
been completed and the mode of proceeding deter- 
mined, than an ominous vote was passed. A com- 
mittee was chosen to wait on Mr. Gerr}^, (who, in the 
Convention at Philadelphia had been one of the most 
decided opponents of the Constitution,) to request 
him to take a seat in the Convention, to answer ques- 
tions ; which was an indirect mode of obtaining for 



38 



Mr. Gerry, the privilege of mingling in the debates, 
and giving the weight of his name, talents and influ- 
ence, to the Antifederalists. 

A few days were sufficient to show, that although 
there was a prodigious preponderance of talent in 
the Convention in favor of the Constitution, yet that 
the weight of numbers was decidedly against it. 
Laboring under severe indisposition. Governor Han- 
cock did not take the chah. 

It was now a period of the most intense anxiety. 
It was thought throughout the States, that the rejec- 
tion of the Constitution by Massachusetts, would be 
the precursor, not only of an entire dissolution of the 
Union, but of an universal anarchy. In the midst 
of the general despondency, the Boston merchants 
never despaired, but they were few. The Boston 
mechanics never despaired, and they were many. 

Notwithstanding the odds, the merchants and me- 
chanics were determined to fight the battle out, and 
their energy and resolution were equal to the crisis. 
They well knew that a strong manifestation of opin- 
ion on their part, would be respected, and all means 
not inconsistent with morality and honor, were used 
to effect their great object. Some were won by argu- 
ment, some by persuasion ; perhaps some by family 
influences, and a most generous hospitality ; some 
by flattery and craft ; and some perhaps by soothing 
their self-love.^^^ 

During this anxious crisis. Major Russell was found 
in every place in which he could be useful. In the 
Convention reporting the debates ; in the streets 
conversing with the country delegates ; or catching 
an idea from Parsons, Gore, Cabot, or Dawes, urging 



39 



and entreating them to stand firm. No man did 
more to bring about an efficient union amongst them 
than Benjamin Russell, and it is beheved that there 
was not a mechanic in Boston, of any name or note, 
with the single exception of Adam Colson, who did 
not ultimately become a supporter of the Constitution. 
Before their energetic action, the pride of Hancock, 
the obstinacy of Samuel Adams, and the hardness of 
John Winthrop, began to give way, and there were 
reasonable hopes that if Hancock could be brought 
out, with some propositions which should contain a 
salvo for the scruples of some and the pride of others ; 
in short, if some of the opponents of the Constitution 
could be furnished with an excuse, they might be 
induced to support it. 

The idea of recommending amendments, was then 
started, and a plan was devised for ratifying the 
Constitution unconditionally, and recommending 
the adoption of the amendments as a part of it. 
On this scheme, Samuel Adams and Dr. Jarvis were 
consulted and agreed to support it. The amendments 
were draughted by Theopliilus Parsons, and laid be- 
fore Hancock. The public attention was now con- 
centrated on this distinguished individual, into whose 
hands was thrown the fate of an Empire and the 
happiness of milhons. 

To swerve a man like Hancock, who had presided 
over the deliberations of the Continental Congress, 
Irom his predetermined opinions on the subject of 
civil government, by argument or persuasion, was 
not only a difficult, but an ungracious task. Never- 
theless, at this perilous crisis, one man was found 
whose strong sense of duty overcame the scruples 



40 



of delicacy, and at the hazard of forfeiting a friend- 
ship which had been one of the principal solaces of 
his life — he undertook it. 

The Rev. Dr. Samuel West, a delegate from New- 
Bedford, had been the classmate of Hancock, and 
perhaps there was no person, certainly none in the 
Convention, for whom he cherished more regard, or 
to whom he would more readily listen. In Boston, 
his house was the home of the country clergyman, 
who never left it without solid tokens of his friend- 
ship. Yet there could not be greater contrasts than 
those presented by the Governor and the Minister. 
The one was rich, the other poor, — the one lived in 
a style of magnificence and hospitality congenial to 
his taste, and corresponding to his wealth in the 
town, — the other in a humble and obscure manner 
in the country, — the one, according to Brissot, the 
Girondist, disdained the sciences — the other was a. 
profound scholar and devoted to them, — the manners 
of the one were polished, courtly and accommodating 
— of the other rough, uncultivated and uncompro- 
mising. Yet the statesman admired the bold and 
masculine temper, the vigorous understanding and 
prodigious learning of the friend of his youth, and he 
venerated his unaffected piety. He knew that he 
Avas no intriguer, that he had no selfish purposes to 
accomplish, and that his friendship was disinterested, 
and although enveloped in flannels and tormented 
with the gout, he received his visit with great cor- 
diality. 

With all his simphcity, Dr. West was a keen ob- 
server of character and a person of great sagacity. 
None better understood the temper of Hancock, or 



41 

could manage his occasional caprices and wayward- 
ness with more address. He commiserated his 
afflictions, which he lamented the more, inasmuch 
as it prevented him from doing a great deed for his 
country. 

" Yes," said the reverend man, " it is on you, and 
you alone, Governor Hancock, that the fate of this 
nation depends. You must come forth to save it, 
even if you are borne in mens' arms — even at the 
sacrifice of your life. Without your influence in its 
favor, the Constitution will be lost, and if it should 
result in that, we are a ruined people. For your own 
honor, complete the glorious Avork which you com- 
menced by signing, as President of Congress, the 
Declaration of Independence. All good men and 
true patriots entreat your aid. Can you refuse it? 
If through your influence, this Constitution is pre- 
served, your name will be immortal, and will be 
blessed by unborn millions." 

Colonel Azor Orne, a delegate from Marblehead, 
and a friend and companion of Hancock, spared no 
effort to induce him to come out. " I can do noth- 
ing," said Hancock ; " I am sick and feeble — I have 
no influence." [It was the Governor's habit to de- 
preciate himself ] "Sir," said Orne, "you are not 
aware of the extent of your influence. Your sickness, 
instead of impairing, will strengthen it. Even the 
baize which swathes your limbs, will produce an 
impression. If you cannot speak, you will gather 
many around you like birds, by a whistle." 

The solicitations of Dr. West and Colonel Orne, 
as well as those of several others, were well timed, 
for a strong impression had already been made on 
6 



42 



the mind of Hancock by the proceedings of the 
mechanics — always his firm friends and supporters/'* > 
and he had ascertained that the clergy, for whom he 
cherished great respect, were nearly unanimous in 
favor of the Constitution/^^ 

Pressed on all sides as Hancock was, and finding 
that his most sincere and zealous friends were deci- 
ded advocates of the Constitution, he yielded. Wrap- 
ped in flannels, unable to walk, he was borne from 
his coach by his servants into the Convention, and 
assumed the chair. 

On the oOth of January, 1788, he explained his 
views to the Convention. He did not condemn the 
provisions, but the omissions of the Constitution. 
And to supply these defects, he made sundry propo- 
sitions and declared himself in favor of ratifying the 
Constitution unconditionally, and of recommending 
the propositions which he had submitted, as amend- 
ments. 

Samuel Adams then rose, and after speaking with 
great candor, distinctly avowed that he was in favor 
of this scheme, and moved the consideration of the 
propositions. 

The debate was continued through Saturday, the 
2d day of February, and finally, by an unanimous 
vote, the Amendments were committed to a com- 
mittee of twenyfive. 

" Time presses," said Mr Sedgwick, one of the 
committee, " we must sit on Sunday." " It is lawful 
to do good on the Sabbath," said the Rev. Dr. Hem- 
menway, " I have no scruples ;" and the committee 
did sit on Sunday. 

On Monday, February 4, the debate was opened 



43 



by the Rev. Thomas Thacher, of Dedhani. He had 
doubted, but his doubts were dispelled, and his speech 
was serious, impressive, and in some parts very el- 
oquent. In concluding, the Reverend gentleman 
alluded to the insinuations made against the support- 
ers of the Constitution, as seeking either pecuniary 
or political advantages. " I am a poor man, I have 
the feelings of a poor man," said he, " if there jare 
honors and emoluments in this proposed Constitution, 
I shall by my profession and circumstances in life, 
be forever excluded from them. My only wish is, 
that the people, in their day, may know the things 
which belong to their peace." 

As soon as Mr. Thacher had concluded, the com- 
mittee reported the Amendments with slight altera- 
tions ; but seven of the committee, in committee, 
voted against the Report, — one was absent and one 
declined voting. Nine of this committee finally 
voted against the Constitution. 

As soon as the report had been read in the Con- 
vention, Major Lusk expressed his dissenit. The 
Constitution, he said, permitted slavery. No religious 
test was required. He shuddered to think that " Ro- 
man (/atholics. Papists and Pagans," might hold 
office, and that Popery and the Inquisition might be 
established in America. The omission of a reli- 
gious test, which so much alarmed Major Lusk, had 
reconciled the Rev. Mr. Backus, an eminent Baptist 
Minister from Middleborough, to the Constitution, 
and he addressed the Convention at length in its 
favor. " The imposing of religious tests," said he, 
"hath been the greatest engine of tyranny in the 
world. I abhor the wicked practice of slavery as 
much as any one, and I rejoice that this Constitu- 



44 



tion opens the door for its abolition, by prohibiting 
the slave trade after a certain period, and by per- 
mitting the States to free themselves from it." 

Dr. Jarvis followed with an energetic speech in 
favor of the Constitution and the Amendments. The 
Convention then adjourned, and on the next morning, 
February 5th, Mr. Ames again rose. It was now 
perceived by all that the tide was on the flood, and 
the excitement was intense. The enemies of the 
Constitution had taken the alarm, and the hopes of 
its friends were brightening. The crisis was pecu- 
liarly adapted to the metaphorical scripture-like elo- 
quence of Ames. He argued with great power in 
favor of the general provisions of the Constitiition. 

Mr Barrell, of York, immediately proclaimed his 
conversion — Dr Taylor quibbled — Mr Parsons demon- 
strated — Gilbert Bench, fearful of the issue, moved 
an adjournment of the Convention to a future day. 
The motion being negatived by a large majority, 
they adjourned to the next day. 

On the next day, February 6, Dr. Stillman, who 
stood at the head of the Baptist priesthood in Massa- 
chusetts, and who as yet was wholly uncommitted, 
in a speech, solid, solemn, animated and eloquent, 
free from all cavils and doubts, delivered his consci- 
entious convictions. " Whatever my previous opin- 
ion was," said he, "I now stand on firmer ground 
than ever respecting the proposed Constitution. I 
am ready to vote for it without any Amendments." 

The Bev. Charles Turner, of Scituate, who had 
been steady in his opposition, then rose, and in a 
most solemn and priestly manner, seized upon the 
Amendments to make known and to justify his 



45 



change of opinion. " I have been averse to the 
reception of this Constitution, while it was considered 
merely in its original form," said he, " but as the 
Convention agree to recommend Amendments, I 
acknowledge my mind is reconciled. If we cannot 
get something better than the Confederation, we are 
an undone people." 

Dr. Spring, of Watertown, who to this moment had 
cherished hopes that the Constitution would be reject- 
ed, throwing up his hands in utter despair, exclaimed 
— " Help, Lord, for the godly man ceaseth ; for the 
faithful fail from among the children of men." 

Captain South worth would not give up, but Mr 
Symmes, of Andover, the champion of the cause, 
yielded to the current, and concluded a speech in 
support of the Constitution, with a declaration that 
he stood acquitted to his own conscience — he hoped 
to his constituents, and he knew he was acquitted 
before God. The debate was then closed by Gover- 
nor Hancock. His speech was courteous and con- 
ciUatory. " The question now before you," said he, 
in concluding, " is such as no nation on earth, with- 
out the limits of America, has ever had the privilege 
of deciding upon. As the Supreme Ruler of the 
Universe has seen fit to bestow upon us this glo- 
rious opportunity, let us decide upon it — appealing to 
him for the rectitude of our intentions — and in 
humble confidence that he will yet continue to 
bless and save our country." 

The question was then taken, and on the 6th day 
of February, 1788, the Constitution was ratified by a 
majority of 19 — the yeas being 187, the nays 168. 
Several of its most inveterate opponents then declared 



46 



their adhesion, and the Convention adjourned to the 
next day. The news of the ratification of the Con- 
stitution ran with the rapidity of hghtning through 
Boston and the surrounding towns, and when the 
members of the Convention proceeded to their re- 
spective lodgings, the streets were thronged with 
people. Those who had voted for the Constitution 
were received with cheers and acclamations. The 
people pressed forward to take them by the hand. 
The ice which had encrusted many a heart was 
melted, and some wept tears of joy. 

It was a general saturnalia ; the Governor and the 
beggar rejoiced together. ^'^ 

On the next day, February 7th, the Convention 
reassembled at the Old South. More adhesions were 
given in. They then adjourned to the Old State 
House. The Sheriff of Sutiblk made solemn procla- 
mation of the ratification of the Constitution, and the 
Convention adjourned sine die. 

A feast for the members of the Convention was 
provided in the Senate Chamber by the citizens of 
Boston. They feasted high, and no warning appeared 
on the walls. Celebrations, processions and convivial 
meetings followed, not only in Boston, but throughout 
the country. ''^^ 

The political philosophy ; the deep investigations 
of the science of government ; the sound sense and 
splendid eloquence displayed in the Convention of 
Massachusetts, would have been lost to the world 
had it not been for the indefatigable industry of Major 
Russell. There were no stenographers and reporters 
by profession at that time in Boston. He reported 
and published all the debates. There are full reports 



47 



of the debates, in the Conventions of Virginia and 
New York, and of the first Convention of North 
Carohna ; but it is easy to perceive the reporters' style 
in the whole. Doubtless the arguments, and some 
strong and striking expressions, are correctly given ; 
but the pecuharities of the different speakers cannot 
be traced in any reports excepting those of Major 
Russell, who lias stamped each speech with the 
speakers own marks. 

Massachusetts was the sixth State which ratified 
the Constitution. Still it was very doubtful whether 
it would become the supreme law of the land. It 
was necessary that the assent of nine States at least, 
should be obtained. In Rhode Island and North 
Carolina, the prospect was hopeless. In Maryland, 
the opposition was led by Luther Martin and Sam- 
uel Chase, two of the most distinguished citizens of 
that State. Yet it was ratified on the 28th of April, 
1788, and in South Carolina, after a severe struggle, 
on the 23d day of May. On the 2.5th of June, New 
Hampshire followed the example of Massachusetts, 
and ratified the Constitution, recommending amend- 
ments. This accession completed the Union and 
saved the Constitution. But without the accession 
of Virginia and New York, this great work would have 
been imperfect. In both States, the parties were 
nearly divided, and in the Convention of Virginia, 
the weight of talent and character was with the Anti- 
federalists. The ratification, hoAvever, obtained on 
the 26th day of June, and in New York on the 26th 
day of July, by a majority of five votes. 

" Tante molis erat Romanam condere gentem."(8) 

General Washington Avas inaugurated as President 



48 



of the United States, ont he 30th day of April, 1789, 
and the new Constitution went into operation/^) 

Mr Russell was a zealous supporter of all the 
measures of Washington's administration — the fund- 
ing system — the assumption of the State debts — the 
imposts — the protection of domestic manufactures — 
the internal taxes — the excise law — the National 
Bank — the measures for suppressing the Western 
Insurrection — and the foreign policy. For this sup- 
port, he has often been denounced as the enemy of 
the republican doctrines of Mr. Jefferson, whose 
aversion to all these measures was undisguised. I 
have no doubt that he acted from his convictions, 
but it is possible that those convictions might have 
been influenced by his feehngs. As the Editor of a 
leading newspaper, he was compelled to choose 
between Washington and Jefferson. It was not in 
his heart to believe that AVashington could do wrong. 
No veteran soldier who had followed Napoleon along 
the blazing path of his victories, was more devoted to 
his chief than was Benjamin Russell to Washington, 
and it is possible that like Cicero with respect to 
Plato, he would have preferred to have gone wrong 
with Washington than right with the rest of the 
world. If it were so, it is no evidence of weakness, 
because, in a Republic, many questions must arise on 
which we are compelled to make a rapid decision, 
and that decision must necessarily depend on the 
degree of confidence which we repose in the advo- 
cates or opponents. Such questions were often pre- 
sented to the Editor of the Centinel, and shall we 
blame him for trusting to Washington ? In this he 
was disinterested, and we shall see that his fidelity 
was subjected to some cruel tests. 



49 



The year 1789, was distinguished by two great 
events. On the 30tli of April, Washington took tlie 
oaths as President of the United States. Our Con- 
stitution went into operation and we became, in truth, 
a nation — one— and I hope, indivisible. Five days 
afterwards, (May 5th,) the States General of France 
assembled, in which the people were represented, 
and for the first time admitted to real participation of 
the political power. That day marks the era of the 
French Revolution. 

The creation of a nation, and the emancipation of 
a nation, were stupendous events, and being almost 
simultaneous, it would indeed have been wonderful 
if the latter event, connected as it was with the former, 
should not have caused, amongst the Americans, a 
most intense excitement, and it would have been 
wonderful indeed if our departed Brother, whose tem- 
perament was ardent, sanguine, and almost fiery, 
should not have shared a common enthusiasm. 
Every circumstance tended to increase the excite- 
ment. When the Bastile was destroyed, the people, 
it was said, had broken their fetters. The key of that 
terrible fortress was sent by Lafayette to Washington, 
and hung up at Mount Vernon as a trophy. Every 
ferocious act of the French was excused on the 
ground of necessity. Although our own Revolution 
had left no stain of blood on our land, yet we were 
willing to attribute their excesses to a higher enthusi- 
asm in the cause of liberty — our devotion Avas luke- 
warm, for we had laid no human "sdctims on her 
altars. 

When the German armies invaded France, many 
Americans mounted the tri-colored cockade — Ca-Ira 



50 



and Carmagniole resounded through our streets. In 
our phrensy we — we Americans, denounced Lafayette 
as a traitor, because to save his life he had ekided 
the men of blood who were sent to the camp to take 
it. Dumoriez became the hero of the day. Civic 
feasts were instituted throughout America in honor 
of his victories, triumphal odes were sung, oxen were 
roasted. The Clergy even began to catch glimpses 
of the Millenium, and prayed to God to favor the arms 
of a people just about to renounce his worship. Even 
the horrible atrocities of the 10th of August, 1792, and 
the massacre of the prisoners in September, were 
overlooked, for France liad dethroned a king and 
established a Republic ! 

From a careful inspection of the files of the Cen- 
tinel up to this period, I cannot find that the senti- 
ments of the editor had undergone any change. — 
Burke, once so idoHzed in America, was denounced 
for writing against the French revolution, yet the 
articles signed Publicola and written by Mr John 
Quincy Adams, vindicating the doctrines of Burke, 
were admitted into his columns. He seems to have 
pursued his usual policy of maintaining his own 
independence and opening his paper to all well 
written articles on either side, but events were ap- 
proaching which induced a more decided course. 

Intelligence was received nearly simultaneously, 
of the execution of the King of France, the declara- 
tion of war by France against Great Britain and 
Holland, and the arrival of the new French Minister, 
Genet, at Charleston, in South Carolina, and soon 
afterwards Washington issued the proclamation of 
neutrality. 



51 

The execution of the King startled some who had 
until that act, viewed the revolution with undiniiiiish- 
ed favor; but with the great mass of the American 
people, no disgust was felt. They easily transformed 
our great and good ally, as they were fond of calling 
Louis XA^L, into a tyrant ; and all tyrants deserved 
death. 

The Americans had found in Louis XVI the 
greatest of benefactors, yet throughout America there 
was no public manifestation of regret for his death 
except in Providence, where the bells were tolled. 
The war between Great Britain and France had 
aggravated the enthusiasm of the people into a raging 
phrensy. The proclamation of neutrality was de- 
nounced as a cowardly abandonment of the great 
cause of human freedom, and the rights of man. 
The war cry resounded through the land. War — 
war with the tyrants who had combined against lib- 
erty and France. War with that infamous tyrant, 
George IIT. Peace, friendship and perpetual alliance 
with the glorious Republic of France. 

In the midst of this phrensy. Genet arrived. His 
journey through the Southern States, from Charleston 
to Philadelphia, was like the triumphal progress of a 
Roman prefect. He was the first Republican Minister 
from the new born Repubhc. He was caressed, 
feasted, toasted, honored, and heard nothing but de- 
nunciations of Great Britain and professions of ardent 
attachment to France. Washington at the same 
time journied from Mount Vernon to Philadelphia, 
unnoticed and unheeded. 

Naturally, Genet was neither rude or unamiable, 
but he was instructed to magnify the French Repub- 



52 



lie, and to carry out the system of regenerated diplo- 
macy, by threats and bullying. The soft, subtle and 
polite modes of negotiating, the nice etiquette, and 
guarded decorum, like embroidery, hair powder and 
laced ruffles, Avere discarded, and France now propo- 
sed to gain her objects, not so much by craft and 
intrigue as by insolence and violence. Threats were 
substituted for persuasion, and bluster for remon- 
strance. The manifestations of popular attachment 
led Genet into many grievous errors, and he thought 
it was as easy to drive an American President out of 
office, as it was to dethrone, and behead a French 
King. He mistook the roar of city mobs for the voice 
of the people. He had not the least conception of 
the numbers of those quiet citizens whose confidence 
in Washington nothing could shake, amongst whom 
there were then at least 200,000 persons who had 
been under his command at different periods of the 
revolution. 

. Amongst the first proceedings of Genet, Avas the 
institution of a Club at Philadelphia, on the model of 
the Jacobins. Affiliated clubs soon sprung up in 
New York, Boston, Charleston and Lexington, in 
Kentucky, which took the name of Democratic So- 
cieties, in which, Washington was daily denounced 
as the ally of despots, — the tool of Great Britain, — a 
Tyrant, who was attempting to govern the country 
by edicts instead of laws ; who had attempted to 
paralyze the glorious cause of liberty by a proclama- 
tion of neutrality. 

Some of the ncAvspapers too at this period assumed 
a tone of abuse against Washington of unparalleled 
effi-ontery. "The publications in Freneau's and 



53 



Bache's papers," said AYashington, " are outrages on 
common decency." 

According to tlie acconnt of the first President 
Adams, Washington's Honse, at Philadelphia, was 
surrounded by mobs daily, huzzaing, clamoring for 
war with England, cursing Washington, and calling 
out — " success to the French patriots — the virtuous 
republicans." According to him, nothing saved 
Washington from gross personal indignities and out- 
rages, but the yellow fever. 

The yellow fever did indeed come amongst the 
people of Philadelphia in the midst of this wild phren- 
sy. The pestilence walked through the city at noon- 
day, with the tread of a giant, and death was tri- 
umphant in every street. The enemies of earthly 
Kings bowed down before the King of terrors. 

Genet had defied the government. He had en- 
deavored to erect the French Consulates into Judicial 
tribunals. He had undertaken to levy war within the 
United States, by instituting expeditions against Flor- 
ida and Louisiana. He had insulted the President. 
He had threatened to appeal from the President to 
the people. His violations of international law and 
his audacious insolence could no longer be tolerated, 
and AVashington demanded his recall. He was re- 
called, and his conduct was disavowed by the French 
Government. He dared not return to France, for he 
was a Gii-ondist, and the dreaded triumvirate,* which 
then ruled France, were thirsting lor his blood, and 
he remained in America. 

During this alarming and anxious crisis, our Brother 



* Marat, Danton and Robespierre. 



54 



Russell was found on the side of Washington, defend- 
ing the government with spirit and energy, animating 
the timid and arousinof the bold ; maintainino: the con- 
test against numbers with an undaunted heart and a 
persevering pen, and in this region doing much to 
resist that fierce spirit which seemed at one time 
to be endeavoring to establish Ja'cobin Clubs, as the 
legitimate organs of government. His fidelity was 
soon subjected to a severer test, because it brought 
him into direct opposition to the opinions and feelings 
of the great mass of his fellow-citizens of Boston, and 
of the great body of the mechanics, with whom he 
was particularly associated. 

At one period during the year 1793, this country 
was on the eve of a war with Great Britain. To 
avert this evil, Washington sent Mr Jay to that country 
as a special Envoy. He negotiated a treaty which 
was ratified by the Senate. Before the President had 
signed it, a Virginia Senator, in violation of the obli- 
gation of secrecy, communicated a copy to Bache, 
the editor of the Aurora, and he immediately repaired 
to Boston. Copies were chculated throughout Mas- 
sachusetts, and there was a general outcry against it. 
The moderate and sober-minded citizens, overborne 
by the din, remained silent and quiet, and the agitators 
had the field to themselves. The Boston Town 
Meeting was holden on the lOth day of July, 1795. 
The citizens, excited already by the pubhcations in 
the Chronicle, were lashed into a phrensy by the 
inflammatory eloquence of Dr. Jarvis, who, as a 
declamatory orator, was unrivalled. The supporters 
of the administration seemed to shrink from the con- 
test. The venerable Joseph Hall was the solitary 



55 



advocate of the Treaty. He concluded his speech by 
reprobating a proceeding Avhich he said Avould have 
a tendency to " unsenatorize the Senate." Jarvis in- 
stantly caught the expression. " The gentleman," 
said he, "would not unsenatorize the Senate. I will 
never consent to unpopularize the people." Faneuil 
Hall rang with applauding shouts. The torrent could 
not be resisted. Resolutions in the nature of a re- 
monstrance against the Treaty, were carried by ac- 
clamation. The resolutions, together with a letter 
from the Selectmen of Boston, were transmitted by 
special express to the President. A small number of 
Bostonians, headed by Thomas Russell, and including 
(with two or three exceptions,) every great merchant 
in the town, expressed their dissent to these proceed- 
ings in writing, and to this paper the name of Benja- 
min Russell is appended. The Chamber of Com- 
merce, as a body, passed resolutions approving the 
Treaty. The treaty was condemned in several other 
towns of Massachusetts. The great powers of Samuel 
Dexter [were vainly put forth in the Charlestown 
Town Meeting to support it. In Philadelphia, mobs 
surrounded the houses of the British Minister and the 
British .Consul. The treaty was publicly burnt, and 
Mr Jay hung in effigy. In Charleston, South Caro- 
hna, many outrages were committed. John Rutledge, 
Chief Justice of the United States, took the lead in 
the disorganizing proceedings, and defiled his ermine 
in the muddy kennels of faction. In Richmond, 
Virginia, Chancellor AVythe took the lead in opposi- 
tion to the treaty, and in New York, the gi'eat families 
of Clinton and Li\ingston and Aaron Burr. In the 
wild uproar of the mob, even Hamilton's voice was 



56 



silenced. In many places, Mr Jay was hung in 
effigy. He was denounced in countless resolutions 
as a traitor. The gold of Pitt had seduced this emi- 
nent citizen from his duty, it was said. To increase 
the embarrassments of the President, the French 
Minister, Adet, formally complained of the Treaty. 

In the midst of this tempest of popular fury, ap- 
peared the President's reply to the selectmen of Bos- 
ton, in which he coolly informed them that the Con- 
stitution had assigned to the President the power of 
making treaties, by and with the advice and consent 
of the Senate, He clearly perceived that this crisis 
demanded the exertion of all the liigh qualities of his 
nature, and that, like the ancient prophet, it was for 
him to stay the plague. He alone could save this 
nation from a war with Great Britain, and what was 
worse, an alliance offensive and defensive with revolu- 
tionary France. He did not disdain the popular 
approbation, but it was but dust in the balance if it 
was to be preserved only by the sacrifice of his pub- 
lic duties. Calm, cold and taciturn in his general 
deportment, it was in a crisis like this, that he dis- 
played those high and heroic qualities which always 
buoyed him up against the tempests of the times, — 
that holy courage which rose in proportion to tlie 
danger, and that firmness and hardihood which grew 
stronger under the pressure of adverse circumstan- 
ces. He repudiated all extra-constitutional interfer- 
ence in directing the course of public policy, and un- 
awed by the clamors of mobs, he placed himself on 
the high ground of constitutional privilege and con- 
scientious duty, and he signed the treaty. 

The warning voice of Washington sobered the 



67 



people. Their delirious impulses passed oft and 
they began to reflect. They saw him almost alone 
gallantly breasting the storm. They knew he was 
virtuous. They knew he was wise. If the Father 
of the Republic was false, none could be trusted, and 
their confidence began to return. Congress assem- 
bled, but it was apparent that the Representatives 
had not as yet caught the spirit of the people. Be- 
fore they would vote the appropriations, they called 
for the papers relating to the negotiation. The 
President refused them. The denunciations were 
renewed. It was said that the President also had 
felt the touch of Pitt's gold ; but these denunciations 
were now confined to the demagogues. The people 
were sickened at the abuse of Washington. Never- 
theless, the House of Representatives persisted in 
showing their disapprobation of the treaty in every 
preUminary vote, and there was a strong apprehen- 
sion that the appropriations to carry the treaty into 
effect would be withheld. Under this apprehension, 
a memorial was circulated amongst the citizens of 
Boston in favor of the treaty, which was signed by 
the great body of merchants and mechanics ; for the 
mechanics, who had almost unanimously condemned 
the treaty, were now as unanimous in its favor. The 
enemies of the treaty, however, lest the memorialists 
should be supposed to speak the sentiments of the 
town, called a Town Meeting, and that Town Meeting 
was holden on the 25th of April, 1796. Again, in the 
midst of the storm, the rolling thunder of Jarvis was 
heard; but a new and bright planet blazed through the 
darkness and dispelled the clouds. Harrison Gray 
Otis, for the first time, came before the people on a 



58 



public question, and they, to their dehght, discovered 
that the talent of popular eloquence was not a mo- 
nopoly. The memorial was approved by an im- 
mense majority, and the people of Boston, the hrst 
who abandoned, were the first to return to the house- 
hold of the Father of the Republic/'") 

I Avill now call your attention to the contempora- 
neous account in the Centinel of this fiery contest 
and unparalleled victory, for the purpose of showing 
the generous, magnanimous, forbearing spirit which 
our ardent, enthusiastic and high tempered Brother 
could display even in the moment of victory towards 
his political enemies after a defeat, — and I pray you 
to contrast it with the taunting, depreciating, bully- 
ing and blackguard spirit of our own times, — a spirit 
which would stamp upon a prostrate foe. After 
stating that the Meeting was adjourned from Faneuil 
Hall to the Old South — he says, " Reassembled here, 
Dr. Jarvis opened the debate, in a very eloquent 
address to the feelings of the vast assemblage then 
before him. He was followed on the same side by 
Mr. Austin, Mr. Cooper and Mr. Morton. They were 
replied to by Mr. Otis, Dr. Warren, Colonel Dawes, 
and Mr. Jones, with great eloquence, investigation, 
effect, and, we think, conviction. If it were not invid- 
ious to distinguish, where all were eminent, we 
should pay that homage of respect to the eloquence, 
independence and general knowledge of Mr. Otis, 
which was rendered by every one who heard him. 
But we forbear ; it were impossible to do justice to 
the research, animation and independence which 
characterised all the speeches, and which, notwith- 
standing the sanctity of a place of worship, drew forth 
involuntary bursts of applause." 



59 



Major Rnssell has generally been viewed as a 
bigoted politician, who conld sec no errors in his 
political friends, or merits in his political foes. He 
spoke well of his friends, it is true, and those friends 
were George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, 
General Knox, General Lincoln, Fisher Ames, Sam- 
uel Dexter and Harrison Gray Otis ; and possibly 
an excuse might be found for speaking well of such 
friends, especially when they were charged with 
corruption and treason ; but there never was an 
Editor so magnanimous to his political foes. Dr. 
Jarvis was at the head of the party in opposition to 
Washington in Massachusetts — the most eloquent, 
the ablest, the most intrepid and the most formidable 
of his party, yet, after a careful inspection of the files 
of the Centinel, I can find no abuse of Dr. Jarvis, 
but many articles in his favor/"^ 

The change of opinion with respect to the Treaty, 
spread through nearly all the towns in Massachu- 
setts. In the old county of Hampshire, 56 towns 
voted to sustain the Boston memorial, and the same 
spirit began to prevail in other States, particularly 
in New England and New York. While the melo- 
dious strains of Otis were yet lingering on the ears 
of the Bostonians, the Boston representative at Phil- 
adelphia was entrancing the Congress. The speech 
of Fisher Ames, on the British Treaty, will stand 
the criticism of posterity. Like "the adamant of 
Shakspeare," it will resist the ever wearing currents 
of time. It charmed his enemies. Those who 
detested the Statesman admired the Orator. The 
very serpents of faction, for once, put forth their 
head from their holes, to listen and not to bite. The 



60 



appropriations were voted. Tlie peace and the hon- 
or of the country were saved, and Washington came 
forth from the struggle triumphant. 

During this trying period, the Centinel, in my 
judgment, of all the newspapers in the United States 
which supported the Treaty and defended Washing- 
ton, was the most efficient. AVith the exception of 
General Hamilton, and perhaps Mr. King, its writers 
were the ablest. The Editorial articles were spir- 
ited, appropriate and exactly adapted to the popular 
feeling. The Editor went neither too fast nor too 
slow. He went with the people, pari-passu, but he 
started them on the march. 

It was at this period also, that William Cobbett, in 
support of Washington and the Treaty, first exhib- 
ited those marvellous powers in pohtical controversy 
which subsequently made him the wonder of Eng- 
land and the terror of Ministries. 

Perhaps, my Brethren, I have wearied you with 
all these details, but I think they were necessary 
to the illustration of the character of our departed 
Brother, who, although an humble, was a most effi- 
cient, actor in allthose great transactions which led 
to the establishment of the Federal Constitution, and 
afterwards formed one of that small band who gath- 
ered around AVashington, to uphold it when it was 
shaking on its base. While gazing on those magni- 
ficent structures which seem to defy the ravages of 
time and the fury of the tempests, we seldom think 
of those who laid the foundations. 

During the whole of this anxious period, there 
were, so to speak, no parties — at least no organized 
parties. It was impulse and self-conviction which 



61 



influenced the people. They were not fettered by- 
party obligations. The mind was not in chains. 
They were not controlled by that dreadful system, 
which, like that of the Jesuits, changes the heart into 
a machine, puts conscience in commission, and com- 
pels every free citizen, hke a dog, to wear a collar ! 
There are abundant proofs of the independence with 
which men acted at the early period of the Republic. 
The ratification of the Constitution by the Conven- 
tion of Massachusetts is one. The change of opin- 
ion with respect to the British Treaty is another. 

Our Brother Russell took his own ground, and act- 
ed on his own convictions, and he was not one of 
those who are frightened whenever they find them- 
selves in a minority. 

This honest period of the Republic, terminated 
with the administration of Washington, and then 
commenced the reign of parties, — violent, bitter, im- 
placable parties. In politics, men no longer acted for 
themselves, but for their parties, and individual re- 
sponsibility in a great degree ceased. The merits 
and the errors of their proceedings are to be attributed 
to the party, far more than to the indi^dduals. It is 
needless to say, that Major Russell was a zealous 
member of the Federal party, and so remained until 
he caught, as he thought, a glimpse of the Millennium, 
and from the exuberance of his own ofood feelin"rs 
yielded to the sad delusion, that the era of good feel- 
ings had actually arrived, and in the hope that a more 
glorious light was about to appear, he consented that 
the hghts which had guided his footsteps through the 
tempest, and the darkness, should be extingui. hed, 
and that the Federal party should be superannuated. 



62 



In the wane of life, we recur with fondness to our 
early impressions, thoughts and feelings. Emerging 
from the chaos of parties which succeeded the Feder- 
alists, our departed friend at last completed the wide 
circle of his political hfe. In June, 1775, he entered 
the public service — a Whig. On the 4th day of Jan- 
uary, 1845, at the age of 83, he died — a Whig. 

Major Russell was not so much distinguished for 
splendid talents and great actions as for usefulness. 
From the age of 13, until the close of life, there was 
scarcely a moment in which he was not occupied in 
doing something, as he thought, for the pubhc good ; 
and in all public trusts, he displayed more devotion 
to the public interests than his own. Those trusts 
were many, and he neglected none, but executed 
them with his best ability and with great success. 
He was a faithful Soldier and an able Editor. He 
was Grand Master of the Freemasons ; Commander 
of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company ; 
President of the Board of Health, the Mechanic As- 
sociation, and of the Common Council, and an Alder- 
man; a Representative of the City of Boston; a 
Senator of the County of Suffolk, and a Councillor 
of the Commonwealth. 

Who can say, that he was not in each capacity re- 
spectable and useful ? Who can say, that within his 
sphere, he has done more positive good to his feUow- 
men — than Benjamin Russell ? 



NOTES 



Note 1 — page 12. 
The Massachusetts Spy had gained, perhaps, the highest place amongst the Whig 
newspapers of North America. Its decided and sarcastic tone 5 the ability of its wri- 
ters ; the boldness of its doctrines, and the energy and spirit witli which it was con- 
ducted, had attracted the attention of the community, and the ill-will of the Tories. 
Isaiah Thomas was the editor, and having been often summoned to appear before the 
Governor and Council, he had steadily refused to obey. Exasperated by his contu- 
macy, the Executive ordered prosecutions in the Courts for libels. Mr. Thomas 
escaped conviction on every indictment. The leading patriots were pledged to pro- 
tect and defend him. He was marked as a victim ; his office received the emphatic 
name of the " Sedition Factory." Further prosecutions and violence were threat- 
ened. The British had the military occupation of Boston, and the patriots came to 
the determination that the press must be sustained, and, as in Boston it might be 
suppressed by force at any hour, that it should be removed to the inland town of Wor- 
cester. With much address. Colonel Bigelow and Dr. Warren effected the removal 
of the press, and several cases of types, across Charles river, and conveyed them to 
Worcester. Mr. Thomas joined the militia and fought at Lexington and Concord. 
On the day succeeding the battles, he repaired to Worcester to assume an employ- 
ment not less efficient in revolutionary movements than that of arms, and on the'Sd 
of May, 1775, the Massachusetts Spy was issued at Worcester, and became the lead- 
ing and official newspaper of the patriots. 

Note 2— page 14. 
Bishop Parker delivered the address, and amongst the Brethren present were Sam- 
uel Cabot, Paul Revere, Dr. John Warren, Perez Morion, Samuel Dunn and William 
Scollay. 

Note 5— page 38. 

Mr. Dunbar, of Stoughton, it is said, was much influenced by his kinsman, the late 
Dr. Danforth. 

Theophilus Parsons undertook to overcome the scruples of the Rev. Mr. Perley, of 
Maine. " I cannot support a Constitution which does not acknowledge the existence 
and moral government of the Supreme Being," said the minister. " A truth, which 
all admit, requires no formal acknowledgment: the acknowledgment might create a 
a suspicion that some did doubt," said the lawyer. " The Jews, after sinning and 
punishment, solemnly acknowledged the Lord," said the Minister. " That was be- 
cause they had denied him and worshipped idols, but we solemnly acknowledge, and 



64 



publicly worship hkn at stated times," said the Lawyer. " 1 suppose," continued 
Mr. Parsons, ' that in the course i)f your ministerial labors, you have preached from 
texts in every book nf the Old Testament." '• Yes," said Mr. Perley, '■ I probably 
have" " You have preached from texts in the Book ol Esther?" • Douliiless I 
have," saiil Mr Parley '• Do you know, that i:. he Book of Esther," said Mr. Par- 
sons, " there is not a single allusion to the Supreme Being ?" " It is not possible," 
said Mr Perley. "L'ok!"said Mr Parsons. The seaich was made. " You are 
right," said Mr. Perley. " Now, Sir," continued Mr. Parsons, " if in one of the 
canonical books, which are of paramount authority for the religious and moral gov- 
ernment of man, there is no acknowleilgment of the Supreme Being, why should 
such an acknowledgment he indispensible in a Constitution — an instrument which 
is merely the work of man ? If the inspired writers did not deem such an acknow- 
ledgment necessary, why should we pretend to be more wise and more devout than 
the Prophets V " My scruples are removed," said the Minister. 

Note 4— page 42. 

Amcngst the most intimate friends and associates of John Hancock, were Col. 
Thomas Dawes and Na'haniel Balch. " When I visited the Governor," says Bris- 
soi, "I found him in the greatest familiarity with a hatter!" The halter was 
Balch,— a man not only of a fine majestic appearance, but of exquisite humor, de- 
lightful social qualities, unwearied benevolence and sterling integrity. Colonel 
Dawes, long at the head of the mechanic interest, was a person of great sagacity, an 
adroit politician and au accomplished gentleman. That the mechanics exercised 
an efficient influence at this crisis, is a fact which cannot be controverted. One of 
the delegates to the Convention once said to the writer, " Dr. West, no doubt, had 
much influence with Hancock, but it was the Boston mechanics who frightened not 
only him, i)Ut Samuel Adams and John Winthrop, into the support of the Constitu- 
tion." 

Note 5— page 42. 

The grandfather and father of John Hancock, were country clergymen, — the first 
of Lexington, the last of Braintree, now Quincy. 

• Note 6— page 46. 

At this joyous moment even the inveteracy of Adam Colson gave way. When 
his boarders, (all of whom were in the majority,) approached, he ran into the street 
wilholit his hat — seized his wig — swung it around his head and huzzaed for the 
Constitution. During the whole night, parties ol young men were traversing the 
streets, and in the wild exuberance of their joy, singing songs of triumph. Colson's 
windows were threatened, but hi> boarders saved them. The house was spared and 
the boarders cheered. 

Dr. West returned from an evening party with his huge pockets literally crammed 
with silk stockings, fine handkerchiefs, pieces of cambric, &c. The good man was 
uneasy lest in his absent moments he might, unconsciously, have pocketed them, and 
wiis anxious to restore them. His friends quieted his scruples. " Thost' articles, 
dt ctor," said they, " came honestly into your pockets. Take the goods the gods pro- 
vide ye." 

Note 7 — page 46. 

Mr. Wales, the delegate from Dorctiester. got up a procession in which machinery 
was introduced. '' OK! Tesiamont times have returned," said Holder Slocum. 
" As 1 passed through Dorchester I met Tubal Cain, instructor of every artificer in 
brass and iron." 



65 



AWk 8 —page 47. 
The writer is aware that the narrative of the progress of the States towards the 
establishment of the Fef^eral Constitution, does not, strictly speakins?, appertain to 
the biography of Major Russell, hut he was induced to take this course in conse- 
quence of the suggestions of gentlemen whose o|)inions he was bound to respect. 
In his sphere, Major Russell performed an important part in bringing about the 
result, and it was thought by those gentlemen to whose opinions the writer deferred, 
that there would be nothing incongruous in such a course, and that the connection of 
Major Russell with the great afiairs of the times, was sufficient to warrant it, espe- 
cially in all that related to the proceedings of Massachusetts j and it was further said, 
that there were many interesting facts connected with the ratification of the Constitu- 
tion by .the Convention of Massachusetts, which were fast hastening to that oblivion in 
which the de?ds of men are concealed, and unless arrested and brought to light would 
be forever lost. The writer was well acquainted with several of the delegates to the 
Convention, and has often hoard many of the anecdotes which he has related from 
their own lips. He had also the benefit of a long and interesting conversation with 
the Hon. John Davis, late Judge of the District Court of Massachusetts, and, for a 
time, during the administration of Washington, Comptroller of the Treasury, who is 
the only survivor of that Convention, standing, as it were, alone on the isthmus which 
connects the infancy and the manhood of the American Republic — speaking of things 
which he knew and saw, upon which time has already cast deep shadows. Long 
may he live to delight his friends by his virtues, and instruct them by his wisdom. 

Note ^—page 48. 

Ma'tr Russell fell under much reproach at this time, (1789,) for advocating as it 
was suid, the expediency of attaching titles to persons holding certain offices j from 
which it was infefred that he had a leaning towards the usages of Aristocracy. In 
the army and navy, titles are necessary to designate the grades of office, but by the 
laws and constitutions of the States, as well as of the United States, no titles are re- 
cognized, except by Massachusetts, and by her applied only to the persons holding 
the offices of Governor and Lieutenant Governor. All others are merely titles by 
courtesy. 

When Vice President Adams first took the chair of the Senate of the United States 
and addressed that body, he used the term, Most Honorable, applying it to the whole 
Senate. Major Russell applied it to the individual Senators. As it was a mere title 
of courtesy, there was no difference in principle, whether a person was styled Honora- 
ble, Most Honorable, or Right Honorable. [Excellency was a higher title than either, 
and during the revolutionary war that title was applied to the Major Generals. | On 
this ground it was a matter of taste, and the poet says — 

" De gustibus, nan est disputandum." 

The writer can perceive no difference in the practice of parties. All seem to he 
equally fond of decorating the names of their leading men with titles. The usage is 
universal; yet, in his opinion. General Charles Lee, of revolutionary notoriety, dis- 
covered a more manly and correct taste. Sick of the title of Excellency, with which 
he was daily addressed, he disclosed his sentiments to Patrick Henry, then the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia. " There is," said he, "a barbarism crept in among us that ex- 
tremely shocks me. I mean those tinsel epithets, with which (I come in for my share,) 
we are so beplastered; His Excellency, and His Honor; The Honorable President of 
the Honorable Congress, or the Honorable Convention. This fulsome nauseating 
cant may be well enough adapted to barbarous monarchies; or to gratify the adulter- 



66 



nted pride of the magniflci in pompous'^ Aristocracies ; but in a great, free, manly, 
equal Commonwealth, it is quite abominable; for my own part, I would as soon they 
would put rats-bane in my mouth, as the Excellency with which I am daily crammed. 
How much more true dignity was there in the simplicity of address amongst the Ro- 
mans ! Marcus Tullius Cicero, Decimo Bruio, Imperatori, or Caio Marcello, Consuli, 
than to His Excellency Major General Noodle, or to the Honorable John Doodle. 
My objections are perhaps trivial and whimsical; but for my soul I cannot help start- 
ing them. If, therefore, I should sometimes address a letter to you without the Ex- 
cellency tacked, you must not esteem it a mark of personal or officiaUdisrespect, but 
the reverse." 

Note 10— page 58. 
Cheverus, the Catholic Priest, afterwards a Cardinal, in the rapture of his admira- 
tion, threw his arms around Otis, and while tears were streaming down his cheeks, 
exclaimed, " Future generations, young man, will rise up and call thee blessed." 

Note i\—page S9. 
During the very heat and fury of this contest, these stanzas appeared in the Centi- 
nel : 

" Jarvis, no more with the petulant train 

The step of contention pursue; 
No slander the truth of thy soul can arraign, 
Nor the strength of thy genius subdue." 

" Where'er thy Columbia her bosom displays, 

To thee shall the plaudit belong ; 
Thine eloquence still the lov'd theme of her praise, 

Thy virtues the pride of her song. • 

When piercing the cell where pale poverty lies, 

On the couch of distemper and woes, 
Thy care the sweet balm of existence supplies, 

Or the cup of compassion bestows." 

* * * » * 

" As the planet of evening extends its mild rays 

To yield the poor pilgrims relief— 
Thus the glow of thy heart, its soft blessing displays ! 

And cheers the dark mansion of grief. 

Like the vertical Summer's meridian line. 

The beams of thy genius descend ; 
Too intensely they dazzle, too ardently shine. 

And consumeVhat they mean to defend. 

Then Jarvis forbear— to thy virtues retire — 

For ne'er shall their lustre decay. 
The mild glance of the morn we with fondness admire, 

But are hurt by the blaze of the day. 

When the thick mist of faction would rest on thy height, 

Forbear, thou bright planet to rise ; 
Or ascending in anger, oppose thy fierce light, 

Till the phantom fades, scatters and dies." 



LBAp'05 



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